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<!--Generated by Squarespace Site Server v5.11.81 (http://www.squarespace.com/) on Sun, 12 Feb 2012 09:54:10 GMT--><rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:rss="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/" xmlns:admin="http://webns.net/mvcb/" xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" xmlns:cc="http://web.resource.org/cc/"><rss:channel rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/"><rss:title>Archives</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/</rss:link><rss:description></rss:description><dc:language>en-GB</dc:language><dc:date>2012-02-12T09:54:10Z</dc:date><admin:generatorAgent rdf:resource="http://www.squarespace.com/">Squarespace Site Server v5.11.81 (http://www.squarespace.com/)</admin:generatorAgent><rss:items><rdf:Seq><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/12/30/idf-chief-of-staff-hails-2008-gaza-strike-as-an-excellent-op.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/8/10/israeli-actions-are-turning-jerusalem-into-a-settlement.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/7/15/things-you-can-say-things-you-cannot.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/5/31/turning-the-right-of-return-into-reality-ben-white.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/4/27/netanyahu-erasing-the-green-line.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/3/31/why-is-acre-afraid-of-old-signs.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/1/29/a-gross-imbalance-of-power-that-cant-deliver-peace-let-alone.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2010/11/2/murderous-planning.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2010/10/26/living-next-to-the-settler-neighbors-from-hell.html"/><rdf:li rdf:resource="http://apjp.org/archives/2010/9/15/1948-and-israels-deceptive-bargaining-position.html"/></rdf:Seq></rss:items></rss:channel><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/12/30/idf-chief-of-staff-hails-2008-gaza-strike-as-an-excellent-op.html"><rss:title>IDF chief of staff hails 2008 Gaza strike as an "excellent operation"</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/12/30/idf-chief-of-staff-hails-2008-gaza-strike-as-an-excellent-op.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-12-30T23:10:16Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="byline">Posted by&nbsp;<a class="post-author" href="http://www.newstatesman.com/writers/ben_white">Ben White</a>&nbsp;- 29 December 2011 15:52</p>
<p class="byline">from the Staggers-The New Satesman rolling blog</p>
<p class="byline"><a style="font-size: 80%;" href="http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/the-staggers/2011/12/operation-cast-israel-gaza">http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/the-staggers/2011/12/operation-cast-israel-gaza</a></p>
<div class="captioned-pic"><img src="http://images.newstatesman.com/articles/2011//20111229_benny-gantz_w.jpg" alt="IDF Chief of General Staff Benny Gantz." />
<p><span style="font-size: 80%;">IDF Chief of General Staff Benny Gantz. Photograph: Getty Images</span></p>
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<p>This week marks three years since Israel launched Operation Cast Lead, the unprecedented attack on Palestinians in the Gaza Strip that killed hundreds of civilians and devastated the besieged territory in 22 days of airstrikes and ground assaults. Disturbingly, the Israeli military is marking the anniversary with praise for the massacre, and threats of a new one.</p>
<p>On Tuesday, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)'s Chief of Staff Lt Gen Benny Gantz&nbsp;<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/idf-chief-gaza-war-against-hamas-was-an-excellent-operation-1.403977">hailed</a>&nbsp;the 2008-09 attack as an "excellent operation", adding that a potentially inevitable repeat would be "swift and painful". Meanwhile, another high-ranking IDF official has&nbsp;<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/idf-confirms-preparations-for-extensive-future-gaza-military-action-1.404232">said</a>: "We are preparing and in fact are ready for another campaign, which will be varied and different, to renew our deterrence".</p>
<p>These "belligerent declarations" (the words of liberal Israeli newspaper<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/listen-to-hamas-1.404256"><em>Ha'aretz</em></a>) are shocking when you remember exactly what happened three years ago.</p>
<p>During Operation Cast Lead, the IDF killed 1,400 Palestinians, including over 300 children. Some 5,000 were injured. In the first six days, Israel's Air Force carried out over 500 sorties, an average of one every 18 minutes for almost a week. According to the&nbsp;<a href="http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/report/palestine-report-260609.htm">Red Cross</a>, "nowhere in Gaza was safe for civilians", with "whole neighbourhoods turned into rubble".</p>
<p><a href="http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/israel-occupied-palestinian-territories/report-2010">Amnesty International</a>&nbsp;concluded that "Israeli forces committed war crimes and other serious breaches of international law", including the shooting of "children and women...fleeing their homes in search of shelter".&nbsp;<a href="http://imeu.net/news/article0015290.shtml">Schools</a>&nbsp;were hit,&nbsp;<a href="http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/80E8238D765E5FB7852576B1004EC498">16 health workers</a>&nbsp;were killed on duty, and "Israeli forces caused extensive<a href="http://www.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/4005DD318FE96EF14925771F0083291E-Full_Report.pdf">destruction</a>&nbsp;of homes, factories, farms and greenhouses...without any evident military purpose".&nbsp;<a href="http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/03/25/israel-white-phosphorus-use-evidence-war-crimes">Human Rights Watch</a>&nbsp;and others documented how Israel repeatedly fired "white phosphorus shells over densely populated areas", causing "needless civilian suffering".</p>
<p>This is what the IDF chief this week described as an "excellent operation", suggesting that the only thing the Israeli military&nbsp;<a href="http://www.jeremiahhaber.com/2011/12/planning-next-gaza-massacre-and.html">learned</a>&nbsp;from the attack on Gaza was in the realm of propaganda and "post facto legal justification".</p>
<p>There is good cause to be worried that this is more than just sabre-rattling. A key reason for the targeting of civilian infrastructure in Operation Cast Lead was in order to create&nbsp;<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/19/world/middleeast/19assess.html?_r=1&amp;pagewanted=2&amp;em">"political pressure"</a>&nbsp;on Hamas. Beforehand, Tzipi Livni had&nbsp;<a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/20/gaza-israelandthepalestinians">said</a>&nbsp;that an extended truce "harms the Israel strategic goal" and "empowers Hamas". During the attack itself,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=129308">Shimon Peres</a>&nbsp;said Israel's aim was "to provide a strong blow to the people of Gaza so that they would lose their appetite for shooting at Israel".&nbsp;<br /><br />The same logic has shaped Israel's intensified isolation of the Gaza Strip over the last five to six years. For example, in 2007, an&nbsp;<a href="http://www.jpost.com/DiplomacyAndPolitics/Article.aspx?id=202311">official</a>&nbsp;in Israel's National Security Council confirmed that the goal of the blockade was not 'security', but to "damage Hamas economic position in Gaza and buy time for an increase in Fatah support".</p>
<p>Now, with Hamas responding strategically to regional developments, reaching out to Fatah and the PLO, and calls for dialogue with the movement even<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/israel-needs-to-listen-to-hamas-and-take-notice-1.404256">appearing</a>&nbsp;in the leader column of an Israeli newspaper, will Israel's political and military leadership act to try and thwart these trends?</p>
<p>Such a military assault would, like Operation Cast Lead and the ongoing siege, not just be a policy of collective punishment, but also constitute state terrorism: the targeting of civilians in order to achieve a political goal.&nbsp;</p>
<p><em>Ben White is an activist and writer. His latest book is&nbsp;<a href="http://palestiniansinisrael.wordpress.com/">Palestinians in Israel: Segregation, discrimination and democracy.</a></em></p>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/8/10/israeli-actions-are-turning-jerusalem-into-a-settlement.html"><rss:title>Israeli actions are turning Jerusalem into a settlement</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/8/10/israeli-actions-are-turning-jerusalem-into-a-settlement.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-08-10T21:59:26Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><span style="font-size: 70%;">For how much longer can Jews claim property east of the Green Line while Arabs are forbidden to reclaim land in Israel?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><a href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/israeli-actions-are-turning-jerusalem-into-a-settlement-1.284403">http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/israeli-actions-are-turning-jerusalem-into-a-settlement-1.284403</a></span></p>
<p><span class="writer">By&nbsp;<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/misc/writers/zeev-sternhell-1.685">Zeev Sternhell</a></span></p>
<p><span class="writer">16 April 2010</span></p>
<p>Thanks to an attempted settler takeover of the Sheikh Jarrah quarter, that quiet neighborhood of East Jerusalem has turned into a kind of microcosm of the illnesses that are poisoning relations between Jews and Arabs. The worst of these is the refusal to recognize the finality of the situation that was created at the end of the War of Independence. It is possible to understand the settler right, whose existential aim is the continued conquest of the land. But how is it possible that state institutions will lend a hand to an act that destroys the very land under our feet?</p>
<p>Indeed, this time the settlement is not being carried out merely with brute force like in other parts of the West Bank, but with documents from the days of the Ottoman Empire. The settlers appeared in court armed with Turkish title deeds, which originally were in the hands of the Committee of Sefardic Jews, and on this basis eviction orders were issued for the Arab residents. The Jews came to prove a principle - land that was once owned by Jews is required to be returned to the hands of Jews. The question is, how much longer will it be possible to maintain a situation in which the Jews will have the right to demand ownership of Jewish property that has been left on the eastern side of the Green Line, while the Arabs are forbidden to demand rights of ownership to their property that has been left on the western side of that same line?</p>
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<p>After all, there are Palestinians, among them those who live in East Jerusalem, who have title deeds to homes in Talbieh, Old Katamon, Baka, and other neighborhoods in the western part of the city. If Jerusalem is a united city and all its residents, as the authorities claim, are equal before the law, on what moral basis can they decide that what is permitted to the Jews is forbidden to the Arabs? The state institutions now have a golden opportunity not only to show that equality in the eyes of the law is more than an empty, flowery phrase, but also to declare that there is no way back from the political and legal situation that was created in 1949. Any other approach will be considered intolerable discrimination and will serve as a preface to endless appeals to international institutions.</p>
<p>Sheikh Jarrah has symbolic significance also from a different point of view. The 28 homes that are earmarked for rapid evacuation are those of refugees from 1948 from all over the country. In return for the strip of land on which every family built its house, the residents renounced their status as refugees and the assistance that accompanies this status. These people who are about to be evicted, in actual fact, realized an Israeli interest of first-rate importance - they stopped being homeless and receiving welfare and became integrated in the fabric of life at their place of residence. Had this path been followed in Lebanon or in the Jordanian West Bank, a large part of the problems facing us now would have been solved a long time ago. Therefore, what is better from Israel's point of view - Sheikh Jarrah as a residential neighborhood through which hundreds of Israelis pass daily on their way to the Hebrew University and the government offices or Sheikh Jarrah as another refugee camp that is poverty-stricken and filled with hatred?</p>
<p>Instead of turning Sheikh Jarrah into a paragon of coexistence, Israel is about to enable the settlers to reinstate its residents with refugee status and to turn the entire area into a new symbol of Israeli arbitrariness, aggressiveness and distortion of justice.</p>
<p>Indeed, Jerusalem is not a settlement, but those who are turning it into a settlement now are the settlers themselves. It is not difficult to forecast how this additional fuel will fan the growing flames of delegitimization of Israel in the world.</p>
<p>In this context it is worth noting a fact that was published at the beginning of the week. One of the institutes studying anti-Semitism reported a dramatic increase, in the wake of Operation Cast Lead, of incidents defined as anti-Semitic. It is highly doubtful whether in all the cases, or even most of them, the motives were indeed anti-Semitic. It is reasonable to assume that part of the incidents were caused by growing anti-Israeli feelings. One of the characteristics of anti-Semitism is that it is not conditional on objective acts on the part of Jews or even on their presence. Anti-Semitism existed even in places where they did not see Jews. On the other hand, there is a clear and consistent connection between hostility toward Israel and Israel's actions.</p>
<p>It is no coincidence that "anti-Israelism" is a phenomenon of this generation and its source lies in the intensification of the occupation and the feeling that is taking root, even among veteran supporters of Zionism in the world, that Israel does not have the desire or the capability of putting an end to the control over the lives, freedom and independence of another people. That, too, is something worth dwelling on, between Holocaust Remembrance Day and Independence Day.</p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 80%;">East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah.</span></p>
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<td class="text" valign="bottom"><span style="font-size: 80%;">Photo by: (Daniel Bar-On)</span><br /><br /></td>
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</table>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/7/15/things-you-can-say-things-you-cannot.html"><rss:title>Things you can say, things you cannot</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/7/15/things-you-can-say-things-you-cannot.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-07-14T23:18:29Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Ran Hacohen - Antiwar.com &nbsp; 13 July 2011</p>
<p><a style="font-size: 80%;" href="http://original.antiwar.com/hacohen/2011/07/12/things-you-can-say-things-you-cannot/">http://original.antiwar.com/hacohen/2011/07/12/things-you-can-say-things-you-cannot/</a></p>
<p><a href="http://australiansforpalestine.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/FirefoxScreenSnapz00110.jpg"><img class="wp-image-48327 size-full alignnone" title="FirefoxScreenSnapz001" src="http://australiansforpalestine.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/FirefoxScreenSnapz00110.jpg" alt="" width="494" height="351" /></a></p>
<p><em>by Ran HaCohen&nbsp; -&nbsp; <a href="http://original.antiwar.com/hacohen/2011/07/12/things-you-can-say-things-you-cannot/">Antiwar.com </a> -&nbsp; 13 July 2011</em></p>
<p><a href="http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/u-s-on-israeli-boycott-law-freedom-to-protest-is-a-basic-democratic-right-1.372884">The anti-boycott law</a> passed Monday night. Much has been said about what the American  administration &mdash; blind as always to Middle East realities &mdash; tagged &ldquo;an  internal issue.&rdquo; Let me just add that my readers should remember, from  now on, that there are things I am not allowed to say. For example, I  expressed my support for the boycott on settlements products several  times in the past; I am not allowed to do it anymore. I am not saying I  could say whatever I wanted to before now: self-censorship is almost  inevitable for critical writers living in Israel. But now you&rsquo;ve got an  official confirmation from the Israeli parliament: Israelis are not  allowed to speak out their mind freely. The &ldquo;only democracy in the  Middle East&rdquo; openly joins the &ldquo;democracies&rdquo; around it &mdash; when some of  these &ldquo;democracies&rdquo; try to become democracies. We lag behind. Or better:  we are moving backwards. Very rapidly.</p>
<p>The  law might be overruled by Israel&rsquo;s Supreme Court, but this will only  spur the fascist coalition to curb the court as it has been eager to for  years. Meanwhile, Gush Shalom &mdash; which initiated the boycott on  settlements products many years ago &mdash; removed the list of those products  from its Web site. &ldquo;We cannot afford to publish the list anymore,&rdquo; they  say. The much more mainstream Peace Now, on the other hand, which never  endorsed the boycott before (too &ldquo;controversial&rdquo;), now recognizes the  outrage on the Left and tries to capitalize on it.</p>
<p>What  is Gush Shalom afraid of? One revealing aspect of the new law is the  way it is to be imposed. The State of Israel will not indict anyone for  calling for a boycott &mdash;&nbsp; that wouldn&rsquo;t look good abroad. Instead, anyone  who feels offended because of a boycott call can sue the one who called  for it, and in court &mdash;&nbsp; that&rsquo;s the law &mdash; the plaintiff does not have to  prove the damage caused to him.</p>
<p>In  other words, every Israeli producer based in the occupied territories  can sue anyone calling for a boycott. If I call to boycott all  settlements products &mdash; I am not saying I do, I say &ldquo;if&rdquo; &mdash; each and every  Israeli firm based in the occupied territories can sue me, and there  are hundreds of such firms. So not only do they operate on stolen  Palestinian land, not only do they enjoy generous state benefits from my  tax money (that&rsquo;s why they moved to the territories in the first place)  &mdash; now they can sue me and take my money too for calling for a boycott  (if I ever do). What started as a dispossession of the Palestinians now  moves to the dispossession of any Israeli who dares oppose that  dispossession. What started as enslaving the Palestinians may end in  enslaving their supporters within Israel.</p>
<p>This  may be an innovation, but using the settlers themselves to promote the  occupation is a typical old Israeli strategy. The state relegates some  of its more embarrassing functions to the settlers. It&rsquo;s not always the  Israeli state that steals Palestinian land and water. It&rsquo;s not always  Israeli soldiers who harass Palestinian men, women, children, and  cattle, who throw stones at them, burn their fields, cut down their  trees, rob their olives, and sell the oil. Sometimes it <em>is</em> the  state or its soldiers, but ever more often it is the settlers, the  so-called civilians, backed covertly (or overtly) by the state. The  settlers do the dirty work that the state would rather not do. The state  gives them the tools &mdash; money, guns, legislation, turning a blind eye,  impunity &mdash; while the settlers do the work. It&rsquo;s the typical function of a  militia in a fascist regime: so far it has terrorized the Palestinians,  now it gets a legal license to terrorize its Israeli opponents.  Remember it next time you hear Shimon Peres speak about &ldquo;the extremists  on both sides.&rdquo; The Israeli extremist has a government behind him.</p>
<p><strong>Racism at the Bottom</strong></p>
<p>Returning  to Israel from abroad is always a crucial moment. I always wonder how  long will it take before I sigh and say to myself, &ldquo;Oh, yes, I am in  Israel.&rdquo; Last year, it was when I took the early train from the airport &mdash;  5 a.m., confused after a night flight, hesitating for a second whether  it was the right train. Suddenly, a young man in uniform yelled at me:  &ldquo;Move on, get inside! Don&rsquo;t you see we&rsquo;re already late?!&rdquo; Oh yes, I am  in Israel. I had just spent two weeks in Ethiopia, and no one, young or  old, black or white, dared yell at me.</p>
<p>This  time, perhaps unconsciously traumatized by that return, perhaps simply  because of the backward train service from the airport late at night, I  decided to take a taxi home. I took my seat next to an elderly driver,  who was polite enough to help me with the luggage. He started driving,  took a glimpse at a bystander on the airport&rsquo;s pavement, and all of a  sudden burst out in a series of curses, four-letter words of all kinds,  too horrifying even to repeat, extremely rich on the backdrop of his  poor Hebrew. I was shocked. I turned my head backward: the innocent  bystander was a Muslim, bearded and neatly dressed in a white gown. He  was just standing there, perhaps waiting for a taxi.</p>
<p>The  driver noticed my shock and immediately began to apologize. Putting his  hand on my knee he swore he didn&rsquo;t mean it. He didn&rsquo;t mean to offend <em>me</em> or to curse <em>me</em>, just that f*cking dirty lousy Arab standing there; they should not be allowed to be there at all!</p>
<p>I  considered getting out, but I was too tired. So I asked the driver  whether he knew that man, and what the man had done to him. He said he  didn&rsquo;t know that individual Arab, but all Arabs were the same, so to  hell with them.</p>
<p>I  told him I was just coming back from Antwerp and no taxi driver there  would even dream of speaking that way of the local Jews, who (being  mostly Orthodox) also grow beards and dress differently.</p>
<p>He  explained that Arabs were liars: he took another Arab to Kfar Saba the  other day, and as they arrived, the passenger asked him to continue to  nearby Qalqilyah, just a few minutes away.</p>
<p>Wasn&rsquo;t  the driver happy to earn a couple of cents more? Not at all; he does  not go to Qalqilyah. It&rsquo;s in the West Bank. He refused. &ldquo;We don&rsquo;t do the  Territories.&rdquo; Too dangerous. A few stories on notorious Palestinian car  thieves followed.</p>
<p>I asked the driver what he would do if I asked him to take me to&nbsp; Ariel or Tapuach, illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank.</p>
<p>&ldquo;You are most welcome, my friend,&rdquo; said the driver. &ldquo;I&rsquo;d be happy to take you there.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;So  it&rsquo;s not that you don&rsquo;t do the Territories; you do the Jewish  settlements in the Territories, but you don&rsquo;t do Arab places, right?&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;We  do go to Arab places,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;I can take you to Um-el-Fahm or  Nazareth [inside Israel proper] &mdash; but not to the Territories. And that  dirty Palestinian should have told me from the beginning that he wanted  to Qalqilyah.&rdquo;</p>
<p>&ldquo;But if he had told you the truth, you would have refused to take him, right?&rdquo;</p>
<p>The driver admitted that this was true.</p>
<p>&ldquo;So what would you do in his place? What would you do if you had to get home to Qalqilyah, where no trains and no buses go?&rdquo;</p>
<p>The driver finally conceded he had no solution for the Palestinian guy, whose only sin was having his domicile in Qalqilyah.</p>
<p>I  returned to the other Arab, the bystander: What did he do to the  driver? The driver now quoted something I said earlier: &ldquo;You cannot  generalize, every person is different.&rdquo; And &ldquo;Please do not misunderstand  me, sir; I am not a bad person.&rdquo;</p>
<p>He  then told me he had emigrated 21 years ago from Tashkent, Uzbekistan.  Where 90 percent of the population is Muslim, I now add. He goes back  every year to visit old friends.</p>
<p>I  don&rsquo;t think the taxi driver is a bad person. He is just a symptom. He  has learned from experience that in the Israel of 2011 it&rsquo;s legitimate  to send a person to hell with a backpack full of dirty words just  because he is Arab. Or better: that it&rsquo;s legitimate to share with your  passenger a backpack full of dirty words against an innocent Arab,  provided your passenger looks Jewish. He didn&rsquo;t want to be rude with me:  on the contrary, it was his way of being friendly, of appealing to our  common denominator: hatred toward Arabs.</p>
<p>Historians  speak of anti-Semitism in pre-Nazi Germany as a common system of  beliefs and utterances shared by the average (non-Jewish) person as  normal, acceptable, respectable, even obvious facts of life. Everybody  hated Jews, just like everybody hates cockroaches &mdash; what&rsquo;s the big deal?  The taxi driver reflects the Israeli mainstream nowadays. With such a  government and such a public atmosphere, the old taxi driver is the last  person I can blame.</p>
<p><em><strong>Dr. Ran HaCohen </strong>was  born in the Netherlands in 1964 and grew up in Israel. He has a B.A. in  computer science, an M.A. in comparative literature, and a Ph.D. in  Jewish studies. He is a university teacher in Israel. He also works as a  literary translator (from German, English, and Dutch). HaCohen&rsquo;s work  has been published widely in Israel. &ldquo;Letter From Israel&rdquo; appears  occasionally at Antiwar.com.&nbsp;</em></p>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/5/31/turning-the-right-of-return-into-reality-ben-white.html"><rss:title>Turning the 'right of return' into reality - Ben White</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/5/31/turning-the-right-of-return-into-reality-ben-white.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-05-31T14:08:58Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Myths perpetuated by Israel as to why the "right of return" is impossible are easily debunked when looked at logically.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/05/2011527131738517819.html">http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/05/2011527131738517819.html</a></p>
<p>31 May 2001&nbsp; Al Jazeera</p>
<p>&nbsp;by Ben White</p>
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<td align="center"><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: Verdana;"><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: Verdana;"><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: Verdana;"><strong style="font-size: 80%;">The May 15 Nakba protests put the issue of Palestinian refugees back on the table [GALLO/GETTY]</strong></span></span></span></td>
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<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">After years of marginalisation in the peace process, the Palestinian refugees are back on centre stage. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">On May 15,&nbsp;<em>Nakba </em>day,  the refugees forced their way on to the news agenda; in the past two  weeks, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have been compelled to comment on  what has always been so much more than a "final status issue".&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">During his remarks in the Oval Office, and in response to an op-ed in <em>The New York Times</em> by Mahmoud Abbas, Israeli PM Netanyahu&nbsp;<a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/05/20/remarks-president-obama-and-prime-minister-netanyahu-israel-after-bilate">dismissed</a>&nbsp;the  refugees' right of return as fatal to "Israel's future as a Jewish  state". But the permanent expulsion of one people to make way for  another is a hard sell, which is why Netanyahu and others rely on  oft-repeated myths about the refugees.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">One <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/netanyahu-abbas-is-distorting-known-historical-facts-1.362362">myth</a>&nbsp;is  that the "creation" of the Palestinian refugee "problem" (a euphemism  for ethnic cleansing) was a consequence of the Arab countries' war with  Israel. This claim was undermined - almost despite himself - by Israeli  historian Benny Morris, who though joining the attack on Abbas' op-ed,  noted that 300,000 Palestinians had lost their homes <em>before</em> 15 May 1948.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">In fact, as serious  historians and research have shown, Palestinians left their homes and  villages through a combination of attacks, direct forced removals, and  fear of atrocities. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">The expulsion of the refugees was <em>ultimately</em> realised by the forcible prevention of their return, the destruction of  villages, and the legislative steps taken to expropriate their land and  deny them citizenship.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">A second myth manipulates  the question of the Jews from Arab countries, around 850,000 of whom  left between 1948 and the 1970s. Israel's apologists try and suggest  that these "Jewish refugees" somehow "cancel out" the Palestinian  refugees, as if the residents of Ramla or Deir Yassin were responsible  for events in Baghdad and Cairo. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">More than a hint here of "all Arabs are the same".&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">In fact, most scorn the  link, such as Israeli professor Yehouda Shenhav who wrote that "any  reasonable person" must acknowledge the analogy to be "unfounded". When  the US house of representatives in 2008 called for linking the issues of  Jews from Arab countries and Palestinian refugees, <em>The Economist</em>&nbsp;<a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.economist.com/node/11021245?Story_ID=E1_TTDNTNQV">wrote</a> that the resolution showed "the power of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington". </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">Put simply, one right does  not cancel out another. Ask those pushing this propaganda if they  support restitution and redress for <em>all</em> refugees, Jewish and Palestinian, and they fall strangely silent.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;"><strong>What kind of return?</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;"><strong></strong>But it is  the exposure of a third myth that is the most explosive: that a literal  return is unfeasible. In the words of the excellent <a class="InternalLink" title="Arena of Speculation" href="http://arenaofspeculation.org/2011/05/18/planning-al-awda-re-imagining-israel-palestine/">arenaofspeculation.org</a>,  engaging "in new ways with the spatial, political and social landscapes  of Israel-Palestine" means that instead of asking "can we return?" or  "when will we return?" Palestinians are suddenly allowed to ask "what  kind of return do we want to create for ourselves?"&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">A discussion on what implementing the right of the return would look like is taking place. There is the long-standing work of&nbsp;<a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.plands.org/books/book%2002-00.html">Salman Abu Sitta</a> and the <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.prc.org.uk/">Palestinian Return Centre</a> (PRC), as well as studies by <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.badil.org/en/press-releases/58-press-releases-2005/1606-press-397-05">Badil</a> and&nbsp;<a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.decolonizing.ps/site/?page_id=583">Decolonising Architecture Art Residency</a>. Recently, the Israeli group Zochrot published in their journal <em>Sedek </em>a fascinating&nbsp;<a class="InternalLink" href="http://arenaofspeculation.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Sedek-eng-final.pdf">collection</a> of articles on realising the return.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">Many people are familiar  with the words of&nbsp;Israeli military chief of staff Moshe Dayan at a  funeral in 1956, when he reminded those present that Palestinian  refugees in Gaza had been watching the transformation of "the lands and  the villages, where they and their fathers dwelt, into our estate." </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">Less well known are the  thoughts of his father, member of Knesset Shmuel Dayan, who in 1950  admitted: "Maybe [not allowing the refugees back] is not right and not  moral, but if we become just and moral, I do not know where we will end  up."&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">There can be no doubt that  the obstacle to a resolution of this central injustice is the  insistence on maintaining a regime of ethno-religious privilege and  exclusion. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">After 63 years of  dispossession, the refugees have been once again revealed to be at the  heart of the issue, for it is they who best exemplify what it means to  create and maintain a Jewish state at the expense of the indigenous  Palestinians.</span></p>
<p><strong><em>Ben White is a freelance journalist and writer,  specialising in Palestine and Israel. His first book, Israeli Apartheid:  A Beginner's Guide, was published by Pluto Press in 2009, receiving <span style="font-family: verdana,geneva;">pr</span>aise from the likes of Desmond Tutu, Nur Masalha and Ghada Karmi.</em></strong></p>
<p><strong><em>The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.</em></strong></p>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/4/27/netanyahu-erasing-the-green-line.html"><rss:title>Netanyahu: Erasing the Green Line</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/4/27/netanyahu-erasing-the-green-line.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-04-27T21:46:41Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<div id="cphBody_dvArticleInfoBlock">
<div id="cphBody_dvSummary" class="articleSumm">The alienation of Palestinians by the Israeli government has the aim of monopolising future polity in the Holy Land.</div>
<div class="articleSumm"><a href="http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/04/20114249812743504.html">http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/04/20114249812743504.html</a></div>
<div id="dvByLine_Date"><span id="cphBody_dvByLine" class="byLine"><a class="orangetext" href="http://english.aljazeera.net/profile/ben-white.html">Ben White</a></span> Last Modified: 27 Apr 2011 13:13</div>
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<td align="center"><span style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 10px;"><span style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 10px;"><span style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 10px;"><strong style="font-size: 80%;">Expansion  of settlements remains a priority, but the focus since the 1990s has  been on strengthening settlements already built [EPA]</strong></span></span></span></td>
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<p>In light of the Netanyahu-Lieberman coalition's newly proposed (or passed) <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.acri.org.il/en/?p=1639">laws</a> that <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.old-adalah.org/newsletter/eng/nov10/docs/ndl.doc">target</a> the Jewish state's Arab minority, increasing attention is being paid to the <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.opendemocracy.net/ben-white/land-citizenship-and-exclusion-in-israel">discrimination</a> and hate speech faced by Israel's Palestinian citizens. Issues like the  struggle of 'unrecognised' villages, and phenomena like the 'don't rent  to Arabs' rabbis' letter, for example, are being covered by <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/israel-condemned-over-bedouin-village-demolition-2010-11-25">Amnesty International</a>, <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/03/11/erasing-links-land-negev">Human Rights Watch</a>, international media, and even the <a class="InternalLink" href="http://ukinisrael.fco.gov.uk/en/about-us/working-with-israel/human-rights/israel-opts/">UK Foreign Office</a>.</p>
<p>The bigger picture, however, is being missed. Many of the proposed or  recently passed bills were initiated before the current coalition sat  down in the Knesset; simply blaming figures like Avigdor Lieberman for  these developments is not correct. This post-2000 trend has been further  accelerated, and represents a manifestation of the kind of  ethno-religious discrimination that has shaped the Israeli state's  relationship with its Palestinian minority since 1948.</p>
<p>Furthermore, few are making the connection between what happens on  both sides of the Green Line: there is more than just pointing to the  parallels between policies like home demolitions and 'Judaisation' that  take place inside both pre-1967 Israel and the occupied West Bank.</p>
<p>By the end of the 1990s, Israel had, to a large extent, reached the  limit of possible significant expansion and colonisation in the Occupied  Territories. This is not to deny the acts of expropriation and  settlement growth that continue to occur; but when comparing the rate of  colonisation that took place in the 1970s-90s, there has clearly been a  dramatic slowing down.</p>
<p><strong>Demise of the Green Line</strong></p>
<p>In other words, for the last decade, Israel has focused less on  expansion, and more on the consolidation of the existing colonies,  cementing (literally) the apartheid regime over Palestinians.&nbsp;This  fine-tuning&nbsp;is&nbsp;the mechanism and infrastructure of control; it was also a  key part of the context for the Gaza policy of redeployment and siege.</p>
<p>As the expansionist drive exhausts itself in the West Bank, the gaze  turns inwards, to the 'unfinished' war of 1948, and the project of  Judaising the Galilee and Negev. A good example of that linkage is Ariel  Sharon's description, in a letter to President Bush, of the  'disengagement' plan in 2005 as "context" for bringing "<a class="InternalLink" href="http://imeu.net/news/article006026.shtml">new opportunities to the Negev and Galilee</a>".</p>
<p>The Green Line has not been considered a border in any meaningful  sense by the Israeli state since 1967. Annexation and colonisation  commenced more or less immediately, and methods used to expropriate land  in the Occupied Territories were similar to those previously deployed  against the state's Palestinian minority post-1948 and through the  1950s.</p>
<p>This 'erasure' of the Green Line&nbsp;- both physical and political&nbsp;- has  been continued and accelerated by the Netanyahu-Lieberman government,  and well past a point of no return.</p>
<p>The demise of the 'peace process' means the final rites are also  being read for the 'two state solution', even if some are still  repeating that it is merely 'almost' dead. The different 'offers' made  by various Israeli leaders share the same substance: the Green Line is  irrelevant.&nbsp;The Palestinian "state" will exist as a non-sovereign  reservation surrounded by Israeli-controlled territory.</p>
<p>In parallel, there is overt incitement against Israel's Palestinian  minority, who are described as an 'enemy' or a 'threat': MK Haneen Zoubi  is told in the Knesset to <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jA15ydOcb1k&amp;feature=youtu.be">'go to Gaza'</a>,  while Lieberman proposes denationalising Palestinian citizens in a  'land swap'. Netanyahu says Israel must be recognised as a 'Jewish  state', and Kadima's Tzipi Livni <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.haaretz.com/news/livni-national-aspirations-of-israel-s-arabs-can-be-met-by-palestinian-homeland-1.259321">says</a> that the creation of a Palestinian "state" means telling the state's minority, "the national solution for you is elsewhere."</p>
<p>With the irrelevance of the Green Line, what we are left with is a de  facto one state: from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea, the  Israeli state maintains a <a class="InternalLink" href="http://www.geog.bgu.ac.il/members/yiftachel/new_papers_eng/Yiftachel%20in%20Arab%20World%20Geographer.pdf">regime</a> that grants or denies different <a class="InternalLink" href="http://ajpfp.tumblr.com/post/4028767870/access-2010-left-to-right-israeli-id-west">privileges</a> to different groups.</p>
<p>Politicians, policy-makers, and campaigners need to catch up with the reality on the ground.</p>
<p><strong><em>Ben White is a freelance journalist and writer,  specialising in Palestine and Israel. His first book, Israeli Apartheid:  A Beginner&rsquo;s Guide, was published by Pluto Press in 2009, receiving  praise from the likes of Desmond Tutu, Nur Masalha and Ghada Karmi.</em></strong></p>
<p><strong><em>The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.</em></strong></p>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/3/31/why-is-acre-afraid-of-old-signs.html"><rss:title>Why is Acre afraid of old signs?</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/3/31/why-is-acre-afraid-of-old-signs.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-03-31T14:01:59Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a style="font-size: 80%;" href="http://972mag.com/why-is-acre-afraid-of-old-signs/comment-page-1/#comment-7757﻿">http://972mag.com/why-is-acre-afraid-of-old-signs/comment-page-1/#comment-7757﻿</a></p>
<p><abbr class="published" title="Sunday, March 27th, 2011, 10:11 am">Sunday, March 27 2011<span class="vcard author">|<a class="n fn url" title="Yossi Gurvitz" href="http://972mag.com/author/yossig/">Yossi Gurvitz</a></span></abbr></p>
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<p><strong><em>An artist placed re-designed street signs, from the  Turkish period, in Acre &ndash; and Israelis think this &ldquo;undermines law and  order.&rdquo; Why?</em></strong></p>
<p>Artist Walid Qashash took a political stand (<a class="external" href="http://www.mynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-4046986,00.html" target="_blank">Hebrew</a>):  He designed street signs for the Old City of Acre, as they would look  under the Turkish rulers, and hanged them near the normal street signs.  Suddenly, after sixty and more years of repression, the street of Sahed  Abboud reemerges; Suddenly, Genoa Square, a relic of the town&rsquo;s crusader  past, emerges again from the mists. Qashash has invoked the ghosts the  Jews of Israel have been trying to banish, unsuccessfully, for decades.</p>
<p>Which is why this act, which would seem logical in any other city  with a historical quarter &ndash; so logical, the town would place the signs  itself &ndash; raised so much anger. Of course, Israel is emphatically not a  normal country. It is based on a huge act of  theft, which it insists on  whitewashing. This is why streets in Jaffa and Acre and Jerusalem are  now named after unimportant generals and less worthy Zionist  apparatchiks. The entire non-Jewish history of this tortured land &ndash;  Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Muslim, Crusader, Mamluk, Turkish &ndash; had to  vanish, to be erased, to be scraped away. The fact that during most of  the recorded history of this place, only a small minority wrote or spoke  Hebrew, had to pass away. The names of former Palestinian towns and  villages had to become a fading memory. Majdl stands no more; Call it  Ashkelon (and try to forget its last original residents were deported in  1950, a long time after the war of 1947-1948 ended).</p>
<p>Stat rosa pristina nomine, nomine nuda tenemus: Names are the most  enduring things. Rabin Square will still be called, automatically,  &ldquo;Kikar Malkhei Israel&rdquo; for at least one more generation, possibly more.  Myanmar will remain, stubbornly, Burma. Nablus is so called by the  entire world aside from Israeli Jews, who claim it is the biblical  Shkhem &ndash; and its name is an Arab mispronunciation of Neapolis, the name  given to it by its creator, the emperor Vespasian. People of my  generation will always think of St. Petersburg as Leningrad, but it  returned to its real name as soon as the Communist regime collapsed, and  this artificial name will be remembered, in a generation or two, only  by historians or Soviet enthusiasts. The Turks called their capital  Istanbul, but the world still remembers its original name was  Constantinople, even 550 after Byzantine Empire fell. The final loss of  names, and their replacement with new ones, generally indicates a great  catastrophe, in which several generations were lost, so that no one  could recall the old names &ndash; a rate and traumatic event.</p>
<p>Israel is based on such a trauma &ndash; a manufactured one. A stubborn denial of reality despite all the facts. Elik, <a class="external" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moshe_Shamir" target="_blank">Moshe Shamir</a>&rsquo;s  mythic character, was not really born from the sea. History did not  begin in 1948 (or 1917, or 1897, or 1882). Israeli Jews know, deep  inside, that they are inhabiting stolen lands of a people expelled or  exterminated. Which is why the denial is so angry &ndash; and so old. Rashi  starts his exegesis on Genesis by claiming the Bible begins as it does  so that gentiles could not claim Jews have stolen Eretz Israel: It was  given to them by He who spoke and made the world. But why is such a  denial of the theft necessary, on the part of a Jew living in 12th  century France? Because the taking of Canaan by storm, as described in  the Book of Joshua, is an act of horror; it must be explained away:  Jehova is the ultimate excuse. We were only following divine orders.</p>
<p>The Acre municipality threatens to have Qashash tried for&hellip; something.  Presumably they&rsquo;ll find an article that&rsquo;ll stick. After all, Acre is  the town where a Palestinian driver was arrested and indicted for  driving on Yom Kippur &ndash; which is not in violation of any law (<a class="external" href="http://www.hahem.co.il/friendsofgeorge/?p=272" target="_blank">Hebrew</a>)  &ndash; for which he was nearly lynched. The municipality also allows itself  an unusually coarse reply, which it almost certainly wouldn&rsquo;t use  towards a Jewish artist:</p>
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<p>&ldquo;We  are sorry Mr. Qashash is venting, and is looking for despicable ways to  sour relations between Jews and Arabs in the city. He&rsquo;s better stop  whining and join activity for the benefit of the city&rsquo;s residents, Jews  and Arabs alike.&rdquo;</p>
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<p>Ynet&rsquo;s poll, always indicative of the Jewish mob&rsquo;s mood, suggests as  one of its options &ldquo;This is a nationalistic act, undermining law and  order.&rdquo; Naturally, this is the preferred option of most people taking  the poll. In Israel, mentioning local history is nothing less than a  &ldquo;nationalistic act,&rdquo; which undermines some imagined &ldquo;law and order,&rdquo;  that is the law and order which say this is a Jewish state; and that it  always was so, even if it was under temporary management by someone  else; it was not anyone important, anyone with a history, you see; just a  nomad, a migrant worker. And should anyone dare say otherwise, we&rsquo;ll  huff and we&rsquo;ll puff and we&rsquo;ll cry &ldquo;anti-Semitism,&rdquo; perhaps even  &ldquo;de-legitimization.&rdquo;</p>
<p><strong>And one more thing</strong>: Following the events in the Arab  world, it is customary to say that social networks are a tool of  revolutionary change, or other such nonsense. Well, yours truly was  surprised this weekend to receive an email from Flickr, which loudly  informed me it decided to take down one of my pictures &ndash; <a class="external" href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/ygurvitz/5564590230/" target="_blank">it can be seen here</a>,  and used to be called &ldquo;Fascists on the Prowl&rdquo; &ndash; because, I was  sanctimoniously informed, &ldquo;Flickr is a personal photosharing site, not a  venue for interpersonal conflict. In joining Flickr, you agreed to  abide by the Terms of Service and Community Guidelines. Specifically,  you must not abuse, harass, threaten, impersonate or intimidate other  Flickr members.&rdquo; I was also threatened they may delete my account  without any prior notice should the incident repeat itself. I sent an  aggressive email back, informing them to the best of my knowledge, the  two chaps in the pictures are not Flickr members, and that anyway I can  defend my &ldquo;fascist&rsquo; claim at length. I also asked for instructions on  how I, as someone whose photos deal often with the Israeli-Palestinian  conflict and the internal Israeli conflict, should behave under a threat  of immediate deletion. I received a laconic mail back: &ldquo;Yes, you can  re-upload the photo.&rdquo; Revolutionary tool, my foot.</p>
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</div>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2011/1/29/a-gross-imbalance-of-power-that-cant-deliver-peace-let-alone.html"><rss:title>"A gross imbalance of power that can't deliver peace, let alone justice."</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2011/1/29/a-gross-imbalance-of-power-that-cant-deliver-peace-let-alone.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2011-01-29T22:54:21Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Georgia,Times New Roman;"><span style="font-size: 18px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a style="font-size: 80%;" href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jan/26/authentic-leaders-middle-east-peace">http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jan/26/authentic-leaders-middle-east-peace</a><br /> </span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Georgia,Times New Roman;"><span style="font-size: 18px;"><br /> &nbsp;</span></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia,Times New Roman;"><span style="font-size: x-large;"><span style="font-size: 20px;"><em><span style="font-size: 80%;">Only authentic leaders can deliver a Middle East peace</span></em><br /> <br /> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: x-large;"><span style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="font-family: Arial;">This week's leaks have exposed the dangerous folly of US and British <br /> attempts to control and divide the Palestinians<br /> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><span style="font-family: Georgia,Times New Roman;"> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<br /> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Georgia,Times New Roman;"><span style="font-size: 12px;"> &nbsp;&nbsp;<strong> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</strong></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-large;"><span style="font-size: 20px;">Seumas Milne<br /> </span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-large;"><span style="font-size: 20px;"> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<br /> guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 26 January 2011 21.29 GMT<br /> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-size: 12px;"> <br /> <br /> </span><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-size: 18px;">It's a tragedy for the Palestinian people that at a time when their cause is <br /> the focus of greater global popular support than ever in their history, <br /> their own political movements to win their rights are in such debilitating <br /> disarray. That has been one of the clearest messages from the cache of <br /> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">leaked documents al-Jazeera and the Guardian have published</span> over the past <br /> few days. It's not just the scale of one-sided concessions &ndash; from refugees <br /> to illegal settlements &ndash; offered by Palestinian negotiators and banked for <br /> free by their Israeli counterparts. The constant refrain of ingratiating <br /> desperation is in some ways more shocking. While Israel's <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Tzipi Livni</span> <br /> rejects the offer to hand over vast chunks of Jerusalem as insufficient &ndash; <br /> adding "but I really appreciate it" &ndash; and Condi Rice muses over resettling <br /> Palestinian refugees in South America, the chief PLO negotiator, <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Saeb <br /> Erekat</span>, is reduced to begging for a "figleaf".<br /> <br /> It's a study in the decay of what in Yasser Arafat's heyday was an authentic <br /> national liberation movement. Try to imagine the Vietnamese negotiators <br /> speaking in such a way at the Paris peace talks in the 70s &ndash; or the Algerian <br /> FLN in the 60s &ndash; and it's obvious how far the West Bank Palestinian <br /> leadership has drifted from its national moorings.<br /> <br /> However well the basic contours were known, it's scarcely surprising many <br /> Palestinians are still stunned to discover exactly what is being said and <br /> done in their name. Erekat writes <span style="text-decoration: underline;">in the Guardian</span> that "nothing is agreed <br /> until everything is agreed", and any deal would be put to a referendum. But <br /> as we know from the Palestine papers, he himself made clear in private that <br /> such a vote would exclude most Palestinians, particularly refugees. And as <br /> he told US officials last year, the same package offered three years ago is <br /> "still there", waiting to be picked up.<br /> <br /> But simply to point the finger at Palestinian leaders is to miss the point. <br /> What has been highlighted by the documents is not a picture of genuine <br /> negotiation and necessary compromise, but of a gross imbalance of power that <br /> can't deliver peace, let alone justice. What's more, it's one where the <br /> western powers repeatedly intervene to tilt the scales still further against <br /> the victims of the conflict.<br /> <br /> What has become clearer from the confidential records is that the talk of <br /> "partners for peace" is a fantasy. A far more mainstream Israeli leadership <br /> than is now in power was not even close to accepting an offer that would <br /> anyway have been almost certainly rejected by Palestinians if they had been <br /> consulted.<br /> <br /> And why would Israeli negotiators do anything else when their rejection was <br /> backed to the hilt by the US government? Reading the transcripts of the <br /> talks, they often seem to be simply going through the motions.<br /> <br /> It is the story of 20 years of failed peace negotiations that became a <br /> charade, a way to maintain the status quo rather than deliver the promised <br /> two-state solution, and that have now evidently run into the sand. <br /> Inevitably, the vacuum they have left behind can only increase the threat of <br /> renewed war.<br /> <br /> This is the same peace process that produced the breakdown of authentic <br /> leadership and the dysfunctional structures of the Palestinian Authority, <br /> which underlie the sorry saga disclosed in the leaked documents.<br /> <br /> The PA was designed in the 1993 Oslo agreement to be a temporary <br /> administration for a five-year transition to statehood. Eighteen years later <br /> it has become an open-ended authoritarian quasi state, operating as an <br /> outsourced security arm of the Israeli occupation it was meant to replace, <br /> funded and effectively controlled by the US, Britain and other western <br /> governments.<br /> <br /> Its leader's electoral mandate ran out two years ago, and the authority has <br /> become increasingly repressive, imprisoning and torturing both civilian and <br /> military activists from its rival, Hamas, which won the last Palestinian <br /> elections.<br /> <br /> With the large bulk of its income coming from the US and the European Union, <br /> the PA's leaders are now far more accountable to their funders than to their <br /> own people. And, as the records of private dealings between US and PA <br /> officials show, it is the American government and its allies that now <br /> effectively pick the Palestinians' leaders.<br /> <br /> The new administration expected to see "the same Palestinian faces" in <br /> charge if the cash was to keep flowing, PA officials were told after Obama's <br /> election: Mahmoud Abbas and, more importantly, the Americans' point man, <br /> Salam Fayyad.<br /> <br /> And despite some less strident rhetoric, the US and British governments have <br /> continued to promote the division between Fatah and Hamas, in effect <br /> blocking reconciliation while pouring resources and training into the PA <br /> security machine's campaign against the Palestinian Islamist movement.<br /> <br /> As we also now know, British intelligence and government officials have been <br /> at the heart of the western effort to turn the PA into an Iraqi-style <br /> counter-insurgency operation against Hamas and other groups that continue to <br /> maintain the option of armed resistance to occupation. Shielded from <br /> political accountability at home, how exactly does British covert support <br /> for detention without trial of Palestinians by other Palestinians promote <br /> the cause of peace and security in the Middle East, or anywhere else? In <br /> reality, it simply makes the chances of a representative Palestinian <br /> leadership that could actually deliver peace with justice even less likely.<br /> <br /> The message from the revolutionary events in Tunisia and the spread of <br /> unrest elsewhere in the Arab world should be clear enough. Western support <br /> for dictatorial pro-western regimes across the region for fear of who their <br /> people might elect if given the chance isn't just wrong &ndash; it's no longer <br /> working, and risks provoking the very backlash it's aimed to forestall.<br /> <br /> That applies even more strongly to the Palestinian territories, under <br /> military occupation for the past 44 years. Unless those governments that <br /> bolster Israeli rejectionism and PA clientalism shift ground, the result <br /> will be to fuel and spread the conflict.<br /> <br /> For Palestinians, the priority has to be to start to change that lopsided <br /> balance of power. That will require a more representative and united <br /> national leadership, as the story told by the Palestine papers has rammed <br /> home &ndash; which means at the very least a democratic overhaul of Palestinian <br /> institutions, such as the PLO. In the wake of what has now emerged, pressure <br /> for change is bound to grow. Anyone who cares for the Palestinian cause must <br /> hope it succeeds.<br /> <br /> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-size: 12px;"> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;guardian.co.uk &copy; Guardian News and Media Limited 2011<br /> </span></span> ﻿</p>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2010/11/2/murderous-planning.html"><rss:title>Murderous Planning</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2010/11/2/murderous-planning.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2010-11-02T18:47:47Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><span style="font-size: 70%;">Poor planning and a lack of investment by the Israeli government are the  responsible for the grim situation that the city of Lod (Lydda) finds itself in.</span></h2>
<p><a style="font-size: 80%;" href="http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/murderous-planning-1.322383">http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/murderous-planning-1.322383</a></p>
<p>2 November 2010</p>
<p><span class="writer"> By 																											<a href="http://www.haaretz.com/misc/writers/hillel-schocken-1.428">Hillel Schocken</a> </span>﻿</p>
<div id="innerArticle" style="font-size: 13px;">
<p>The government is looking for the solution  to the problem of Lod under a street lamp. After a handful of Border  Policemen, who were brought there in the wake of two murders, failed to  prevent another murder and an attempted murder, the prime minister  himself came to the rescue and two days ago brought a comprehensive plan  for government approval.</p>
<p>The Public Security Ministry will run the  "City Without Violence" program in Lod and carry out projects to  establish a situation room, complete a network of surveillance cameras,  construct a monitoring and control center with advanced technology, and  draw up an enforcement plan for illegal construction. The Social Affairs  Ministry will add five slots for social workers. The Culture and Sport  Ministry will allocate NIS 800,000  (for two years ) for cultural  activities, and the Minority Affairs Ministry will transfer about NIS 3  million for activity earmarked to advance the Arab population. The  Tourism Ministry will prepare a preservation plan for tourism in the old  city, and the Transportation Ministry will implement transportation  projects to make the city and its environs more accessible. A real End  of Days scenario.</p>
<div id="dclk_objects_06" class="floated_right_ad" style="width: 300px; font-size: 0pt; overflow: auto;"></div>
<p>But  the solution to the problem of Lod is located far from the beam of  light emanating from the government street lamp. All the abovementioned  steps are like aspirin for a chronic illness in the area of planning,  which is the responsibility of the Interior Ministry and the Housing and  Construction Ministry.</p>
<p>Since the capture of Lod Israeli governments  have turned it into the country's junkyard. First they caused the  destruction of the old city and replaced it with housing projects. <a href="http://www.jerusalemquarterly.org/ViewArticle.aspx?id=348">The  old city's destruction robbed Lod of its beating heart - a city without a  center is a dead city.</a> Later, in the best Israeli planning tradition,  new neighborhoods were built with only an incidental connection to the  city, and the satellite neighborhoods of Ganei Aviv and Ganei Ya'ar were  promoted; their developers tried to refrain from having them identified  with Lod, in an attempt to attract a well-to-do Jewish population. But  very soon the bluff was discovered and property values plummeted.</p>
<p>Currently the Lod municipality, the Interior  Ministry and the Housing and Construction Ministry are promoting a plan  to expand the city's area of jurisdiction by annexing thousands of  dunams of agricultural land. Acting Mayor Ilan Harari says that "within  the confines of the city there are no new areas suitable for developing a  large residential neighborhood. Attracting a strong population to Lod  could help a great deal in changing its image,"  (TheMarker, October 21  ). His predecessors made similar statements when they initiated the  construction of Ganei Aviv and Ganei Ya'ar, and Lod's image only  continued to deteriorate.</p>
<p>The government preferred to invest in new  cities. Modi'in and Shoham, both within 5 to 10 kilometers of Lod as the  crow flies, have created attractive alternatives for an affluent Jewish  population, and Airport City is developing as an attractive employment  alternative.</p>
<p>The solution for Lod can be found within the  present municipal boundaries. The city, and mainly its center, look  like after a bomb attack. Housing projects for the poor are scattered  randomly in open and neglected areas. The city is crying out for a  massive "evacuate and construct" urban renewal project while at the same  time there should be denser, multi-functional construction and  investment in the public space. In the short term, it's easier to flee  from the problem and build on available agricultural land. The problem  is that a high price will be paid in the future, in both blood and  money.</p>
<p>Had Israeli governments invested in Lod -  and also in Ramle and Acre - a quarter of what they invested in building  cities and communities from nothing in the territories and within the  Green Line, they would have prevented turning the mixed cities into  centers of poverty, backwardness and crime.</p>
<p>All those who are partners to this ongoing  planning failure should consider themselves partners to the murders that  have taken place, and those to come.</p>
<p><em>The writer is an architect who teaches at Tel Aviv University and a founder of Merhav - the Movement for Israeli Urbanism. </em></p>
</div>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2010/10/26/living-next-to-the-settler-neighbors-from-hell.html"><rss:title>Living next to the settler neighbors from hell</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2010/10/26/living-next-to-the-settler-neighbors-from-hell.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2010-10-26T11:07:25Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/resources/commentary-and-analysis/1678-living-next-to-the-settler-neighbors-from-hell﻿"><span style="font-size: 80%;">http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/resources/commentary-and-analysis/1678-living-next-to-the-settler-neighbors-from-hell﻿</span></a></p>
<div class="article-meta"><span class="createdate"> Monday, 25 October 2010 13:15 </span></div>
<div class="article-meta"><span class="createdate"><br /></span></div>
<div class="article-meta"><span style="font-size: 80%;"><em><strong>MEMO's Renee Boyer comments on Sharmine Narwani's article "Israel's Human Shields and Live Bait" in the Huffington Post, 8 October 2010. </strong><strong>Sharmine Narwani is a Senior Associate, St. Antony's College, Oxford University.</strong></em></span></div>
<div class="article-meta"><span style="font-size: 80%;"><em><strong><br /></strong></em></span></div>
<div class="article-meta">
<p>Living in the West Bank in Palestine means dealing with occupation on  a daily basis. It means seeing IDF forces at the entrance to most  cities and villages of the West Bank; it means dealing with roadblocks  and checkpoints, invasions and arrests. It means that an occupying  military force controls every facet of life. But living in the West Bank  means dealing with more than this massive invasion on one's life. It  means dealing with the Israeli settler as well and this is sometimes  more frightening than dealing with the Israeli military.<br /><br /> In many ways the settler project is the 'wild-card' branch of the  Israeli military, one that often leads to deadly situations. The settler  does what even an Israeli soldier sometimes needs an excuse to do and,  in fact, according to some, the settler becomes the excuse the Israeli  soldier needs to kill.</p>
<p>There are many arguments as to the reason why the settler project  condemned around the world continues to grow and expand under  consecutive Israeli governments. The call to halt settlement expansion  has come from all sides of the globe including Israel's main ally, the  USA. Yet the settler movement is expanding at an alarming rate. Living  in a village in the Salfit region of the West Bank I could see month by  month the encroachment of the settlements on the villages of that  region. Marda is a village under the shadow of the Ari'el Settlement and  the mountain-side above the village is now a litter place for Ari'el.  The villagers of Marda wake up daily to the stench of a rubbish dump on  what was once a pristine mountain. A few miles on is the tragedy of the  valley of Wadi Qana. The sewage from the settlement Imanuel, built in  1982 now poisons the river there and the orchards are dying. The  villagers from Wadi Qana have been forced to leave their polluted valley  and now inhabit the village of Deir Istya; itself decimated by Israeli  settlements and now only a fraction of the size it once was.</p>
<p><strong>'Security risk'</strong></p>
<p>There is no end to telling the stories of how the settler project is  slowly and systematically destroying the land and livelihood of the  Palestinian farmers and villagers; but on another level the Israeli  settlers are also proving to be a major factor in the violence  perpetrated against the Palestinian people. In fact there is an argument  that suggests the Israeli government masks its much more deadly goal of  annihilating the Palestinian people behind the settler project.</p>
<p>Sharmine Narwani writes the following scenario in her argument that the settler movement is being used in this way:</p>
<p>'"Naatzi! Naaatzi!" This word, amazingly enough, is a settler  favorite. "Nazis!" they screech at foreign TV crews, while waving their  infants around. ''Nazi! Nazi! Natzi!'' they chant as they provocatively  try to stop Palestinians from harvesting their olive crops. And the IDF  soldiers wait and watch - occasionally intervening to push a frustrated  and humiliated Palestinian objector away from a taunting, threatening  Jewish settler.</p>
<p>Eventually, a half-crazed Palestinian will fight back, even kill some  settlers. The Israeli authorities immediately step in and claim the  "Security Risk" has increased and more Palestinian land has to be  confiscated to ensure Israel's security. More Palestinians are detained,  harassed, punished. More Palestinian homes are occupied or demolished.  See how that works? Unleash your craziest settlers onto a Palestinian  civilian population until someone blows a fuse and hits back. Then use  that as the pretext to encroach further into the lives and onto the land  of Palestinians.'</p>
<p>Sharmine continues by questioning the motive of the settler movement.  If Israel continues to build the wall to 'protect' its civilians and is  constantly invading, killing and imprisoning Palestinian people because  of a 'security risk' then why 'would consecutive Israeli governments  heavily subsidize and incentivize the relocation of young families -  women and children - into hostile environments for no reason? Why would  Israel - which claims security dangers wherever there are Palestinian  populations - deliberately and systematically place its Jewish civilian  population in "harm's way?"'</p>
<p>This is a valid question and to Western audiences who are used to the  Israeli story hard to answer; infact the generally accepted view in the  West is that the settlers are acting freely and the Israeli authorities  cannot contain them. But Sharmine argues against this and having lived  in the West Bank and dealt with settler violence on a number of  occasions I can concur.</p>
<p>When a Palestinian reacts violently to intense provocation from an  Israeli settler following a life of harassment by the IDF; the Israeli  State steps in and imposes a week of 'terror' on the village of the  'militant' who initiated the violence. I have been in villages when this  happened. They are subjected to night after night of sound bombs and  tanks rolling around the streets. Random houses being invaded and the  children and women made to stand in the dark, dogs unleashed and random  machine gun fire. Half the young men of the village rounded up and taken  to detention; some stuck in administrative detention for years. This is  the consequence of an act of provoked violence of one Palestinian  youth.</p>
<p>On the other hand the Israeli settler lives untouched by Israeli law  and obviously out of reach of Palestinian law. Walking home from a  non-violent demonstration against Israeli land confiscation near the  village of Biddya I had a perfect example of this.<br />I was walking with  the women folk and children back towards their village. We were being  followed on all sides by Israeli forces, jeeps and soldiers equipped  with their weapons of crowd control, which have proved to be deadly on a  number of occasions. We were walking 100 meters from a settler road and  I saw a truck driving around the bend. I watched in horror as the truck  slowed down and then stopped and a settler opened the door and standing  on the step of the truck pointed a machine gun at the crowd of women  and children. I have never been so horrified as at that moment when I  heard the gunfire and saw the women and children falling to the ground  for protection. I remember not daring to look up from the ground where I  had flung myself. When I did I saw women grabbing at children and  hurrying toward their homes. I stood waiting to see if some woman or  child would not rise but thankfully all did. Turning to the road I saw  the soldiers had approached the truck. One had pushed the settler into  the car seat and another had slammed his door and that was it. The truck  drove off and the soldiers turned their focus back to the much greater  threat of a group of young kids with their mothers walking home.</p>
<p>Sharmine's study has lead her to the 'chilling fact' that 'whichever  way you slice and dice the data, settler violence is on the rise, and is  consistent, systematic and happening in all governorates in 280  villages and locations across the West Bank. With no repercussions for  the settlers who live under the Israeli penal code in a apartheid-system  that separates them from the occupation and military laws to which  Palestinians are subjected they can get quite literarily get away with  murder.'</p>
<p>This means that the Israel government has two military forces. One  'legitimate' one recognized as one of the strongest militaries in the  world financially supported and equipped by western powers, and one  formed from the settler movement. The settler movement itself has two  roles to play, the first is to occupy land and land-grab for Israel, the  second is to provoke Palestinian violence that leads to more land grab  and depopulation of Palestinian land; 'little by little, by invoking  "security threats" resulting from Palestinian retaliation against  settler attacks, Israel has made massive gains over the two decades  since peace talks were launched.'</p>
<p><strong>Who are the settlers?</strong></p>
<p>The question you can't help asking when you are talking about this  issue is what motivates the settlers themselves to choose this way of  life? Who are they as people? I want to illustrate this question without  suggesting answers because in the end it actually makes little  difference. Whether the settlers are a majority of religious zealots,  profiteers, uninformed followers or passive idealists they are a part of  a force that is being used to destroy a whole country and the  international community needs to step up the pressure to stop this.</p>
<p>In the south Hebron hills in the village of Al-Tuwani I remember  standing every morning on a hill top waiting for the twelve children  from a neighboring village to appear on the horizon. An Israeli jeep was  also waiting for them and a bizarre procession would then follow. A  jeep leading twelve little Palestinian children to school because their  way lead them past the Israeli outpost of Havat Ma'on where a settler  used to ambush the children, jumping at them from behind bushes and  screeching obscenities at them. Rather than remove this crazed zealot  the Israeli army chose to daily provide 'protection' to twelve  Palestinian children travelling to and from school.</p>
<p>It was also in village of At-Tuwani that during my stay in Palestine a  young American volunteering with the Christian Peacemakers Team was so  severely bashed by a settler that he was hospitalized for weeks.</p>
<p>But on the other hand there is evidence of the 'blind' settler who  lives their privileged life in the centre of the most unjust region of  the world. One day I was picked up on my way to Al Quds by just such an  Israeli woman. She told me that she had come out to Ari'el settlement  with her husband from America maybe five years before. She had lived  there and driven daily on the settlers roads and had given birth to two  children and raised them as she may have had she remained in the US.  Only one day she said she glanced through a wire mesh on the side of the  road and saw a Palestinian village. It was close to Al Quds and was  devastated by the beginning of Wall by settler roads and was surrounded  by barbed wire. She said this was when her eyes were opened. She left  the settlement and took her family to Tel Aviv and started working with  various Israeli peace groups. She told me how guilty she felt for having  lived with as she said 'blinkers on' for so many years.</p>
<p>It is not easy to make sense of the brutality of a part of the  settler movement, particularly among the hill-top youths, or of the  apparent blindness of the rest of the settlers to the reality of what  they are doing to Palestine; but one thing is clear, that the settler  project in the West Bank is one of the most serious issues today. The  international community has voiced its concern over settlement expansion  and Israel has ignored this. It remains to be seen how far the US will  push its stance against settlement expansion in the upcoming peace  talks; but even then settlement expansion is only a half of the problem.  The existing settlements and their effect on the livelihood of  Palestinians in the West Bank is the very real other side of the  problem. The settler roads, the settler attacks on Palestinians, the  settler theft of water sources and pollution of wells, the settler  confiscation of land and occupation of Palestinian homes are all crimes  that are going unnoticed by the West. It is hypocritical to say the  least when the West preaches Mid-East peace talk progress and yet does  not mention the existing settler problem except as something whose  expansion has to halt. There can be no progress in any sort of peace  talks without first dealing with reality on the ground. And the West has  chosen up till now not to do this.</p>
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</div>]]></content:encoded></rss:item><rss:item rdf:about="http://apjp.org/archives/2010/9/15/1948-and-israels-deceptive-bargaining-position.html"><rss:title>1948 and Israel’s deceptive bargaining position</rss:title><rss:link>http://apjp.org/archives/2010/9/15/1948-and-israels-deceptive-bargaining-position.html</rss:link><dc:creator>APJP</dc:creator><dc:date>2010-09-15T20:53:38Z</dc:date><dc:subject></dc:subject><content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>http://www.benwhite.org.uk/2010/08/20/1948-and-israels-deceptive-bargaining-position/﻿</p>
<p>24 August 2010</p>
<div class="entry">
<p>The refrain from Israeli politicians and the country&rsquo;s allies and   apologists is familiar: There can be no peace deal until the   Palestinians &ldquo;recognize&rdquo; Israel as &ldquo;a Jewish state.&rdquo; While this can   sound reasonable to the casual listener in the West, this demand   actually points to critical flaws in the &ldquo;peace process&rdquo; and the way in   which the international community approaches the Palestine/Israel   question.</p>
<p>This is because such a demand, and understanding why it is <a href="http://lawrenceofcyberia.blogs.com/news/2007/03/eggs_fail_to_re.html" target="_blank">so unacceptable</a> to Palestinians, means going back to 1948 &ndash;&nbsp;when hundreds of   Palestinian towns and villages were destroyed, their inhabitants   forbidden from returning by the new Jewish state &mdash; and throwing the   spotlight on two groups of Palestinians that the so-called peace process   has ignored or marginalized: the refugees of &lsquo;48 (and their   descendants) and the Palestinian minority that&rsquo;s left inside Israel. The   unpleasant reality is that Israel as &ldquo;a Jewish state&rdquo; means the   permanent exile and dispossession of the former, and the colonial   control of the latter.</p>
<p>In the West, even talking about Palestinian citizens inside Israel   risks confusion, since for so long they have been referred to as   &ldquo;Israeli Arabs&rdquo; or &ldquo;Arab Israelis.&rdquo; This is a formulation intended to   obfuscate their Palestinian identity, a discursive erasure symbolic of   far more brutal methods (some of which are described below). The lack of   attention paid to the issues faced by Palestinians in Israel by  Western  politicians and pundits is unfortunate, since their historic  and  contemporary reality radically undermines the well-worn clich&eacute; that   Israel is &ldquo;the only democracy in the Middle East.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The Palestinian minority (around 20 percent of the population) are   those who managed to remain inside the Jewish state after the expulsions   of 1948, events described in Arabic as al-Nakba, or &ldquo;The Catastrophe.&rdquo;   With their society shattered &mdash; at least 85 percent of Palestinians in   what became Israel were expelled &mdash; the minority was then subjected to   military rule until 1966. This martial law combined with legislation   passed in the Knesset to effect what is perhaps the defining dynamic in   the relationship between the Jewish state and its Arab minority: land   confiscation.</p>
<p>By the mid-1970s, the average Arab community inside Israel had lost   between 65 and 75 percent of its land (see, for example, Ian Lustick&rsquo;s   1980 study &ldquo;Arabs in the Jewish State&rdquo;). Policies that nowadays most   people associate with Israel&rsquo;s regime in the West Bank &mdash; seizure of   Palestinian land in order to build Jewish settlements &mdash; have been   routine inside Israel with regards to the Palestinian minority. Since   1948, around 1,000 Jewish communities <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/misc/article-print-page/israeli-arabs-have-no-choice-but-to-build-illegally-1.304777?trailingPath=2.169%2C2.216%2C2.218%2C" target="_blank">have been created</a> in Israel &mdash; but not one Arab town. Arab municipal communities make up   2.5 percent of state land, though the Palestinian minority has grown   seven-fold.</p>
<p>The legislative and legal processes that the Israeli state   implemented in order to expropriate the land of the Palestinian refugees   also meant that some citizens &mdash; about one in four of the Palestinian   minority &mdash; became known as &ldquo;present absentees.&rdquo; This means that their   property was confiscated even though they remained in the borders of the   new state. Meanwhile, across Israel, tens of thousands of citizens  live  in &ldquo;unrecognized villages,&rdquo; a result of planning and zoning by the   state that categorized land as non-residential despite the presence of   Arab villages. Many of these communities can be found in the Negev,   where Bedouin Palestinians live unconnected to basic utilities, and at   risk of home demolitions.</p>
<p>Just recently, the entire unrecognized village of al-Araqib was <a href="http://www.promisedlandblog.com/?p=3229" target="_blank">destroyed</a> <a href="http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3933020,00.html" target="_blank">repeatedly</a>, at the same time as the Israeli Knesset <a href="http://www.ajds.org.au/node/288" target="_blank">approved</a> legislation intended to legalize and facilitate Jewish farms that had   been established in the Negev. The context here, as well as <a href="http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/downloads/briefing-paper/palestinians-in-israel-democracy.pdf" target="_blank">in the Galilee</a>,   is the strategic aim of &ldquo;Judaization&rdquo;: increasing the Jewish presence   in regions of the state deemed to have &ldquo;too high&rdquo; a proportion of   Palestinian citizens. In the words of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Jewish-Arab-City-Spatio-politics-community-Arab-Israeli/dp/0415445000?tag=saloncom08-20" target="_blank">Haim Yacobi</a> of Ben Gurion University, it is a &ldquo;[project] driven by the Zionist   premise that Israel is a territory and a state that &lsquo;belongs&rsquo; to, and   only to, the Jewish people.&rdquo; Yeela Raanan, of the Regional Council for   the Unrecognized Villages, surveyed the ruins of al-Araqib and <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/aug/03/israel-criticised-demolition-bedouin-villages" target="_blank">said</a>: &ldquo;Redeeming the land is part of the Zionist project. Any land held or claimed by Arabs is a problem.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A political party or movement that calls for more of the &ldquo;right&rdquo;   people in a particular area because there are too many of the &ldquo;wrong&rdquo;   people is rightly considered fanatical. Yet in Israel, this has been   policy at a state and local level for over 60 years and it is part of   mainstream discourse to talk of the Arab minority as an intrinsic   &ldquo;threat.&rdquo; Netanyahu, as finance minister in 2003, described Palestinian   citizens as a &ldquo;demographic problem.&rdquo; Last year, Israel&rsquo;s housing   minister <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/news/housing-minister-spread-of-arab-population-must-be-stopped-1.279277" target="_blank">declared</a> it a &ldquo;national duty&rdquo; to &ldquo;prevent the spread&rdquo; of Palestinian citizens,   since in the Galilee &ldquo;populations that should not mix are spreading   there.&rdquo;</p>
<p>To document all the ways in which Israel&rsquo;s regime of control keeps   Palestinians as second-class citizens is beyond the scope of this   article: It is far deeper and more systematic than the &ldquo;complaints of   discrimination&rdquo; that the likes of the BBC and CNN tack on at the end of   news items. Take &ldquo;<a href="http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2008/03/30/map-0" target="_blank">selection committees</a>,&rdquo;   for example, which decide who gains admission to small communities   based on criteria like &ldquo;social suitability,&rdquo; a setup that operates in <a href="http://www.adalah.org/newsletter/eng/nov07/8.php" target="_blank">hundreds</a> of agricultural and community towns (over two-thirds of all the towns   in Israel). Its use as a tool to exclude Palestinians has been made more   explicit recently, with <a href="http://www.israelnationalnews.com/SendMail.aspx?print=print&amp;type=0.1&amp;item=175983" target="_blank">legislative efforts</a> intended to &ldquo;allow the rejection of Arab residences in small Jewish communities.&rdquo;</p>
<p>This is only one of <a href="http://www.acri.org.il/eng/story.aspx?id=756" target="_blank">a recent rush</a> of racist bills in the Knesset (the indispensable Adalah have also <a href="http://www.adalah.org/eng/10.php" target="_blank">compiled</a> a list of &ldquo;10 Discriminatory Laws&rdquo;). The same Knesset has stripped Arab   MK Haneen Zoubi of parliamentary privileges, by way of punishing her   for participating in the Gaza flotilla. Zoubi was almost physically   assaulted in the chamber, as she faced cries of &ldquo;Go to Gaza, traitor.&rdquo;   Other Palestinian members of the Knesset <a href="http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/2010/06/201062211432729531.html" target="_blank">received an e-mail</a> from MK Michael Ben-Ari announcing that &ldquo;after we take care of her [Zoubi] it will be your turn.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In Israel in 2010, human rights defenders are persecuted. Three   months ago, Ameer Makhoul, director of Arab NGO network Ittijah, was <a href="http://www.adalah.org/eng/pressreleases/pr.php?file=27_05_10" target="_blank">snatched from his house</a> in the night, and for almost two weeks, prevented from meeting his lawyers. A year before, Makhoul <a href="http://liberalconspiracy.org/2010/05/29/israel-subverts-human-rights-for-a-key-critic" target="_blank">had been told</a> by a Shin Bet agent (Israel&rsquo;s domestic intelligence agency) that &ldquo;next   time&rdquo; he will &ldquo;have to say goodbye to his family since he will leave   them for a long time.&rdquo; In 2007, the Shin Bet <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/misc/article-print-page/pmo-to-balad-we-will-thwart-anti-israel-activity-even-if-legal-1.215790?trailingPath=2.169%2C2.216%2C" target="_blank">confirmed</a> they would &ldquo;thwart&rdquo; those who &ldquo;harm&rdquo; the Jewish character of the state,   &ldquo;even if such activity is sanctioned by the law.&rdquo; As Makhoul&rsquo;s wife,   Janan Abdu, told me in Haifa recently, her husband had become well-known   for what he has been saying about Israel &mdash; &ldquo;the land regime,   citizenship issues, what&rsquo;s happening in the Negev, about the   contradictions between being &lsquo;Jewish&rsquo; and &lsquo;democratic.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p>
<p>This is the question that many Western media outlets won&rsquo;t touch,   and most politicians dismiss with platitudes. The Palestinians in Israel   are forgotten, particularly in terms of the international community&rsquo;s   peace process, despite &mdash; or realistically, because of &mdash; the way in   which their struggles relate to what happened in 1948 and the meaning of   creating a Jewish state in Palestine. This is the conversation that   needs to take place, and increasingly is, from academia to activists.   Talking with Haneen Zoubi at her home in Nazareth, the MK made an   observation that needs heeding in Washington: &ldquo;Israel&rsquo;s treatment of its   Palestinian minority is the more credible test of chances for a   comprehensive peace.&rdquo; So far, it doesn&rsquo;t look good.</p>
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