Ariel University in the settlement city of Ariel, the occupied West Bank.Credit: Moti Milrod
The rightist media and settler organs frequently publish victorious reports about another Godly Zionist real estate achievement. Consumers of this media experience the shredding and fragmentation, and the compression of Palestinians into pales of settlement as a redemption of the land, the fulfilment of a divine commandment and a leap forward in their quality of life and material gains.
The settlers’ violence and their takeover of Palestinian land, beyond that of the official, published master plans, are an inseparable part of the system. The violence is reported on a bit more, because it’s a story with a plot. Nevertheless, despite occasional expressions of shock, the forces of “law” and order permitted and continue to permit this systematic violence, and thereby legitimize and encourage it.
It all takes place before the soldiers’ very eyes, yet they either stand aside or shoot the Palestinians who rush to the assistance of their brethren. The victims of the attacks are arrested, the Jewish assailants file complaints against the victims, the police either fail to locate any Jewish suspects or fail to question them, the case is closed due to lack of public interest, and the prosecution doesn’t file indictments. That’s what happens month after month, year after year.
The Jewish violence that accompanies every new outpost was and is like the urine a dog uses to mark his territory. After it comes the army, the planners, the settlements' regional council and the lawyers. Then they finish the job with mobile homes, followed by hookups to water and electricity, and most likely by taking over a spring and/or barring Palestinians from accessing their olive groves. The grove’s owners are allowed to go there only twice a year, with advance coordination and a military escort – if the settlers are so kind as to allow it.
The Israeli settlement city of Betar Illit.Credit: Emil Salman
But this is never a permanent, final border. More violence expands the territory even further, if only by a few dunams each time. And amid it, the pockets intended for the Palestinians get swallowed up. The smaller, denser and more isolated they are from other such pockets, the better.
Shattering the territory goes far beyond “thwarting the establishment of a Palestinian state.” It’s deliberate, institutionalized abuse of each and every one of the five million Palestinians living in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip (the severance of Gaza’s population from the West Bank's is part of this territorial segmentation). This abuse targets property and income, tradition and family life, the possibility of an education, social ties, freedom of movement, any chance of a future.
The institutionalized, sophisticated theft of territory assaults both the present and the history of every locale, city, village and family and harms the physical and mental health of every Palestinian. The problem with this territorial carve-up isn’t that it weakens the Palestinian Authority, but that it inevitably and intentionally sabotages the collective living in Gaza and the West Bank.
The world once promised that this collective’s right to independence and freedom would be realized. It promised and betrayed its promise. Only the Palestinians’ impressive rootedness and endurance have disrupted the Israeli master plan a tad.
Some people criticize the outgoing (anti-Netanyahu) government, which has been in place for the past year, saying it’s worse than its predecessors with regard to its policy in the West Bank – the high number of Palestinians killed by soldiers; the pogroms perpetrated by settlers with a green light from the police, prosecution and army; the plans to legalize outposts; and so forth. This accusation is both correct and incorrect.
Israeli security forces deploy on the roof of a Palestinian home during a search, following reports of a shooting attack on a bus in Salem village, near the West Bank city of Nablus, on Sunday.Credit: Majdi Mohammed /A
Because the shattering of Palestinian space is a planned, calculated process that spans successive governments, it’s only natural that every stage of it is more sophisticated and more destructive than its predecessor and crosses some line that wasn’t crossed in the previous stage. This is a preordained escalation that’s happening before our very eyes, and the center-right government formed by Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz (with help from Merav Michaeli and Nitzan Horowitz) neither stopped it nor intended to stop it.
But it’s only by chance that the current government played this part in 2022. In 2023, the planning escalation will continue, because – disastrously for us – there’s no chance that the world will wake up anytime soon and exert significant pressure on Israel and Israelis to stop it.
This destruction and dispossession isn’t a new invention; Israel has both expertise and experience in this field. It is now doing in the West Bank what it has been doing within it's recognized borders ("the green line") ever since 1948.
In the early 1990s, when the diplomatic process between Israel and the PLO was launched, the logical expectation – on the part of the Palestinians; the Israeli peace camp, which once existed but no longer does; and the countries that lent their aegis to the Oslo process – was that Israel would stop this process of carving up and stealing land in 22 percent of historic Palestine. But under cover of the peace talks, Israel actually accelerated this process and developed an ever greater appetite for real estate.
It thereby proved the accuracy of the Palestinians’ analysis and claims for more than 100 years – that the goal, and the essence, of Zionism is their dispossession and expulsion from their lands and their homeland.
The Oslo Accord was worded vaguely enough that it was possible to waste time on interpretive arguments over the dates, the amount of territory to be transferred to Palestinian civilian authority in each military redeployment, the connection between Gaza and the West Bank, the return of the Palestinians uprooted in 1967, construction in the settlements, the right to water and the economy. Given the patently unequal balance of power, the interpretations and interests of the stronger side – Israel – obviously won out and were reflected in practical policy.
The interim period stipulated by that agreement was supposed to last five years and end in May 1999. By that time, the sides were supposed to have reached understandings about a permanent agreement that was then supposed to be implemented immediately.
The Palestinian leadership and the leaders of the Fatah party, which headed the PLO, as well as Israeli peaceniks and both Arab and Western countries, all concluded that the permanent agreement would be based on establishing an independent Palestinian state in the territory Israel occupied in 1967, despite the vehement opposition to such a state by the Israeli leaders responsible for Oslo, Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres. The belief of the Palestinian negotiators, headed by Yasser Arafat, that Israel had indeed decided to change its spots and stop taking over occupied Palestinian lands is a subject for historical, psychological and political research.
The belief of the Palestinian negotiators, headed by Yasser Arafat, that Israel had indeed decided to change its spots and stop taking over occupied Palestinian lands is a subject for historical, psychological and political research.Credit: Adel Hana / AP
In exchange for a gradual shrinking of the occupation during the “interim period,” which was supposed to end 23 years ago with the transfer of most of the West Bank to Palestinian authority (that is, to what the Oslo Accord termed Area A), the Palestinian leadership agreed to begin security coordination and cooperation with the main mechanisms of the occupation – the Shin Bet security service and the army. It agreed to take action against members of its own people who used or advocated the use of weapons to oppose the agreement with Israel. The reasons it gave for this were that only the Palestinian Authority was entitled to bear arms, and that security coordination was essential to the success of the five-year-long interim phase, and thus to the establishment of the Palestinian state.
Almost 30 years have passed since then, and the promise embodied by the Oslo Accord – that the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank would be freed from the Israeli occupation – hasn’t been kept. Nevertheless, Israel demands that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian security services continue protecting the occupation – the settlers and the army. And Abbas and the security services obey. This behavior peaked two weeks ago, when, under a steamroller of Israeli pressure, the PA security services acted like an army of occupation and arrested a Palestinian in Nablus who was suspected of shooting at Israeli military targets and settlers.
What benefit or meaning there is in weapons that do nothing to stop the Israeli machinery of destruction and dispossession and leave tens of thousands of Palestinians prey to settler violence is a question for another article. But the absurdity is clear. The army and the Shin Bet have a Palestinian subcontractor. They continue to demand that it uphold its part of a deal that expired long ago and that Israel, from the very first moment, gutted of any respect of Palestinian rights, whether human rights or their rights as a people. How long will senior Fatah officials and the Palestinian security services continue collaborating with this Israeli escalation and humiliation? Only time will tell.
**************************************************************************************