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Abbas at UNGA: Israel perpetrated genocide in Gaza, we won't forget or forgive

by Jack Khoury    26 September 2014        Haaretz

Palestinian president calls for a comprehensive strategy to end Israeli state terrorism, urges UN Security Counicl to pass resolution to terminate occupation.

President Mahmoud Abbas addressed the UNGA, Fri., Sept. 26, 2014.

President Mahmoud Abbas, of Palestine, addresses the 69th session of the United Nations General Assembly, at UN headquarters, Fri., Sept. 26, 2014. Photo by AP

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas accused Israel on Friday of conducting a "war of genocide" during the 50-day summer conflict in Gaza but stopped short of saying he will pursue war crime charges against Jerusalem at the International Criminal Court.

In his speech at the UN General Assembly, Abbas also said he will seek a UN resolution to set a deadline for Israel to pull out of Palestinian lands captured in the 1967 war. He did not, however, include a three-year deadline as his aides had said he would, evidently due to concerns that the U.S. would veto such a resolution, Palestinian officials told Haaretz.

"In this year, proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly as the International Year of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, Israel has chosen to make it a year of a new war of genocide perpetrated against the Palestinian people," Abbas said.

Instead of rectifying "the historic injustice" of the 1948 "Nakba" by allowing for the establishment of a Palestinian state, Abbas said, "the occupying power has chosen to defy the entire world by launching its war on Gaza, by which its jets and tanks brutally assassinated lives and devastated the homes, schools and dreams of thousands of Palestinian children, women and men and in reality destroying the remaining hopes for peace."

The Palestinian leader mentioned his previous speeches before the General Assembly, during which he warned of an impending catastrophe that would befall the Palestinians if an independent state isn't established. "I also said at that time: there was no need for a new devastating war in order to realize the absence of peace," he said, referring to a speech he made in 2012.

"This last war against Gaza was a series of absolute war crimes carried out before the eyes and ears of the entire world, moment by moment," Abbas added. The devastation unleashed, he said, "is unmatched in modern times."

He dismissed attempts to minimize the destruction by citing Israel's right to self-defense, a remark evidently directed toward the U.S.

"In the name of Palestine and its people, I affirm here today: we will not forget and we will not forgive, and we will not allow war criminals to escape punishment," Abbas said.

The Palestinian Authority chairman further affirmed the Palestinians' "legitimate right to defend themselves against the Israeli war machine" and "their legitimate right to resist this colonial, racist Israeli occupation." But he stressed that adversity will not "make us abandon our humanity, our values and our ethics; we will always maintain our respect and commitment to international law, international humanitarian law and the international consensus."

'Israel foiled chance for peace'

Abbas claimed that the Palestinians entered U.S.-mediated negotiations with Israel prior to the hostilities in Gaza in good faith, and that it was the Israeli government that foiled the chance for peace by perpetuating "settlement construction, land confiscations, home demolitions, killing and arrest campaigns, and forced displacement in the West Bank."

Meanwhile, he added, "racist and armed gangs of settlers persisted with their crimes against the Palestinian people, the land, mosques, churches, properties and olive trees."

He mentioned the murder of Mohammed Abu Khdeir, a Palestinian teenager who was burned alive in July. The incident, he said, was the product of a "culture of racism, incitement and hatred" in Israel.

Israel also "breached an agreement with the American administration regarding the release of a group of Palestinian prisoners in the occupation’s jails – and we continue to insist on releasing all of them."

Jerusalem's position is clear, he said: "Israel refuses to end its occupation of the State of Palestine since 1967."

He also accused the Israeli government of attempting to undermine the Palestinian Authority and its efforts to build Palestinian institutions, listing Jerusalem's opposition to the Fatah-Hamas unity government.

He stated that the Palestinians do not intend to "return to the cycle of negotiations that failed to deal with the substance of the matter and the fundamental question.

"There is neither credibility nor seriousness in negotiations in which Israel predetermines the results via its settlement activities and the occupation’s brutality," he added.

Resolution, but no deadline

Abbas further called for "a comprehensive, credible" strategy against terrorism - including what he called Israeli "state terrorism."

"It is an urgent matter that requires much more than condemnations and declarations of positions, which are of course necessary," he said. "…It requires, in this context and as a priority, bringing an end to the Israeli occupation of our country, which constitutes in its practices and perpetuation, an abhorrent form of state terrorism and a breeding ground for incitement, tension and hatred."

In his speech, Abbas introduced a resolution, to be submitted to the UN Security Council, aimed at ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Israeli occupation.

"This endeavor aspires to correct the deficiency of the previous efforts to achieve peace by affirming the goal of ending the Israeli occupation and achieving the two-state solution, of the State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, over the entire territory occupied in 1967, alongside the State of Israel and reaching a just and agreed upon solution to the plight of the Palestine refugees on the basis of resolution 194, with a specific timeframe for the implementation of these objectives as stipulated in the Arab Peace Initiative.

"This will be linked to the immediate resumption of negotiations between Palestine and Israel to demarcate the borders, reach a detailed and comprehensive agreement and draft a peace treaty between them."

Senior Palestinian officials told Haaretz after the speech that Abbas sought to avoid a confrontation with the U.S. over the resolution, which is why he did not set a specific timeframe, but only demanded that one be set. The decision was evidently made after Abbas met several world leaders at the UN, including U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry.

One senior Palestinian official said that the Palestinian delegation was aware of the U.S.' intention to veto any such unilateral move, should it garner a majority at the Security Council. 

The Associated Press contributed to the report


Israel’s moment of choice

by Dr. Husam Zomlot        26 September 2014    Haaretz 

A ruined house in Shejaiya, Gaza.

A Palestinian boy sits inside the ruins of his family house which was destroyed during the 50 days of conflict between Israel and Hamas, in the Shujaiyeh neighborhood of Gaza City, on Sept. 24, 2014. Photo by AFP


When the Palestinian consensus government was sworn in on 2 June 2014, ending seven years of Palestinian political and institutional division, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu immediately rejected it, telling Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in a public statement that he must choose between peace and Hamas.

In the wake of Israel’s brutal war on Gaza, however, even Netanyahu’s right-wing government now understands that a unified Palestinian government is in everyone’s interest, including Israel’s. The real choice today is not between peace and Hamas but between occupation and freedom. The time has come for Israel to choose between a deteriorating status quo that promises only continued confrontations and further isolation for Israel or a path toward genuine peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians alike by ending Israel’s military occupation once and for all.

Unlike Netanyahu’s coalition, which includes ministers explicitly opposed to the creation of two states, the Palestinian government was formed on a peace agenda: recognizing Israel on the pre-1967 borders, renouncing violence, adhering both to international law and previous agreements signed with Israel. Bringing Hamas and other Palestinian factions together on such terms was the Palestinian gift to the prospects of real peace, and the only solution to ending the division that has plagued the Palestinian people.

For Netanyahu, 'peace' means returning to the status quo ante: Gaza besieged and severed from the West Bank as the latter continues to be colonized under a smokescreen called the 'peace process.'

A unified Palestinian government administering both Gaza and the West Bank as one integral territory is not an option but a national obligation and an international demand. While such a government was imperative for addressing Gaza’s accumulated problems and sheer human suffering before the war as a result of Israel’s criminal siege, it has become the only life line for both Gaza and the West Bank after Israel’s military onslaught on both areas this summer. No other entity has the domestic and international legitimacy to help end the siege on Gaza, provide relief and reconstruction for the 1.8 million Palestinians while reintegrating Gaza with the West Bank, and address the legitimate security requirements of Palestinians.

Israel’s latest war on Gaza was not the first but it must be the last. Under no circumstances can such senseless mass murder and destruction – which has seen the lives of 2,200 people, mostly civilians, including more than 550 children, taken away, with more than 10,000 injured, and almost quarter of Gaza buildings and infrastructure obliterated – be permitted again. This calamity left most Palestinians, and with us the majority of world opinion, with one conviction: never again.

The Palestine National Movement embodied in the PLO made its choice on behalf of the Palestinian people on 15 November 1988. The Palestine National Council voted overwhelmingly for a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital, ipso facto recognizing Israel on the pre-1967 lines. Five years later, the PLO formalized this recognition as part of the Oslo agreements. Despite the lack of reciprocal recognition from Israel and its vagueness and open-ended provisions, many Palestinians supported Oslo, hoping that it meant Israel too had reached its moment of truth and choice: ending its occupation of the land occupied in 1967 and addressing Palestinians’ legitimate historic rights, including the right of return.

Alas, we were wrong. In hindsight, successive Israeli governments have instead used the 'peace process' for the exact opposite purpose: to avert and delay that moment of choice. Neither in 1993 nor today Israel is ready to answer the one basic question: where it wants its final border to be? Instead negotiations have been used by Israel as a conflict management tool and a smoke screen for the ongoing colonization of East Jerusalem and the West Bank. In short, the 'peace process' has been used by Israel to delay and prevent the outcome of a Palestinian state.

The recent and biggest land grab in years, confiscating 4,000 dunams (about 1,000 acres) south of Bethlehem, the very heart of where the Palestinian state is supposed to be established, is another confirmation that the current Israeli government’s master map has nothing to do with the 1967 lines. Rather, facts on the ground follow the map of the 'Greater Israel project.' That is, Israel is the only state, controls the whole of Palestine, and is unilaterally partitioning the occupied territories by a complex system of military rule, annexation (colonization), exclusion (ethnic cleansing) and separation (siege and apartheid), keeping Palestinians disconnected, atomized, and unable to function as one political and economic unit.

Twenty one years of a failed 'peace process’ are enough to conclude that the bilateral route to ending occupation is working - but in the wrong direction. We must try something else. Israel must be denied access to its 'we are talking' comfort zone, and the Palestinians must exit the state of limbo we have been in since Oslo.

Today we are saying this is Israel’s moment of choice. Either Netanyahu must declare that the status quo is a military occupation of the territory occupied in 1967, in which case after 47 years it must come to an end. Or he must declare that the status quo is not an occupation and that Israel intends to continue taking effective control of the entire territory of historic Palestine and denying basic individual and collective rights to Palestinians living inside and in exile. Netanyahu’s habit of giving lip service to the first, while following the second, can no longer continue.

Israel can’t have it both ways: land without people, control without responsibility. This has gone on for far too long. Either Israel takes full responsibility or it gives up control of the lives and territory of millions of Palestinians.

President Abbas demanded a firm expiry date for occupation. No more business as usual. Repeating that the status quo in Palestine is unsustainable must not be just a statement, but our and the international community’s goal. On 15 November this year, the Palestinian people will celebrate the 26th anniversary of our Declaration of Independence, reaffirming the collective choice we made in 1988. By next year, we either celebrate our real and full independence or we will have redefined the status quo and with it our national goals and ways to achieve them.

Dr. Husam Zomlot is a senior foreign policy advisor for Fatah and a former PLO representative in the U.K.  



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